The Vienna Conference - Address
Southern African - European Co-operation in a Globalising World
Dr. Frene Ginwala, Speaker of the National Assembly South Africa

Chairperson, Speaker Fischer. Excellencies, fellow Parliamentarians

I know l can speak on behalf of all the Parliamentarians from Southern Africa in expressing our appreciation to the Austrian Parliament and ENIASA for taking the initiative to convene this first ever meeting of members of the Parliaments of Southern Africa and the European Union and representatives of civil society in our regions.

l also wish to commend the Austrian Government for its focus on the SADC region during its Presidency of the EU. The theme of this Conference of Parliamentarians and members of civil society from the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the European Union (EU) -,, Southern African - European Co-operation in a Globalising World - is particularly apt considering the start of negotiations between the EU and its African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) partner states for a successor agreement to their Fourth Lome Convention (Lome IV), which began in Brussels in September 1998. This meeting also precedes the Third SADCIEU Foreign Ministers Conference, also to beheld in Vienna on 3 and 4 November 1998, which will be especially concerned to make SADC/EU co-operation more effective. Our contribution to these fora is facilitated by our meeting here this week.

This meeting provides US with the opportunity to write our own chapter in the relations between our regions as the 2Oth century and we set markers to chart our way into the new millennium.

The history of our relations has not always been pleasant - as our peoples moved through slavery, colonial conquest, exploitation, minority and racial domination, neo-colonial bondage and apartheid. Fortunately for our future, against this backdrop of European empire building, economic exploitation, racism and patronage, must be set the actions of enlightened individuals who were prepared to stand for principle or what we now call human rights - those who opposed slavery, promoted concepts of equality, supported the anti-colonial struggle, mobilised support for those engaged in liberation struggles, often against their own governments, gave political and material support to the liberation movements including my own, and in recent times have been advocates for support for development in Africa.

Many of these individuals and organisations are among US today, as we come together, Parliamentarians and NGO's, to assess the content and form of co-operation as we step into the 2lst century.

Sadly we have to reckon with the reality that half the population of Southern Africa will enter the new century bound in a poverty trap. For this tragedy we cannot lay exclusive blame on our former colonial rulers. The post colonial period was often characterised by the rise of new local despots whose rule was marked by mismanagement,. nepotism and corruption; whose goals were on building personal bank balances and palaces instead of schools, clinics, roads and factories. Men who elevated difference and diversity into division, and stimulated ethnic conflict to further personal ambition. In their hands they had begging bowls and guns instead of hoes and pens, and deprived their people of democracy and human rights.

Yet Africa now approaches the new millennium having cried halt to the descent into anarchy and chaos and determined to move away from the practices of the decades immediately following independence. A new generation of African leaders has joined the international consensus that recognises that development and the elimination of poverty are interdependent and mutually reinforcing. They are determined that Africa must not repeat the mistakes of her recent past. We need to listen to what our own people are saying and feeling. We need to draw more on indigenous knowledge and African experience, or that of developing countries to shape our own solutions.

In many of our countries artists, storytellers, poets and musicians are more in touch with people's problems and aspirations and regularly give expression to them. But intellectuals and politicians are too busy to listen, or to read - too busy at conferences and workshops, jetsetting, and seduced by advisors and consultants who draw on a different experience. We were reminded of this most eloquently and sharply by the young musician who addressed Us at the City Hall last night. Let us recall and understand the message, and pay heed to it.

This is not to suggest that we deny our people the benefit of knowledge and experience of developed countries, but rather , that we be more selective and not accept ready made prescriptions.

lt is by seeing ourselves through our own eyes honestly, by listening to the many voices around Us, learning from our own experience, applying our minds and acting with integrity and pride, that we will stimulate the African Renaissance, give it deep roots and draw our friends and partners into an alliance for its realisation.

Together, we need to build on the progress that has been made in establishing democracy. In the past decade, 30 African countries have held democratic elections, and in many cases, including our own in South Africa, the second and third elections under a multiparty system are in preparation.

Not unconnected to democratisation has been economic recovery. On average real GDP has grown from 3.9% in 1995 to 4% in 1996 and the 1997 figures should show further improvement - which of course will not continue into 1998 - following the repercussions of economic problems in South East Asia.

There has been greater co-operation within our sub-regional organisations and between them. We have moved towards the removal of barriers and cross border trading arrangements, joint development of infrastructure, and the opening up of major investment opportunities.

To give but one example:

The multi-billion rand Maputo Development Corridor represents an international initiative within the framework of SADC which will be of enormous benefit not just to Mocambique and South Africa, but also to the region as a whole.

Our vision is to rehabilitate the core infrastructure of the corridor, notably road, rail, port and dredging, and border posts through public/private partnerships. Common to both countries is the importance of the initiative to the respective reconstruction and development programmes (specifically to achieving GDP and employment growth targets, increasing local and foreign fixed investment and improving exports).

Underlying this vision is the desire to see this initiative contributing to other key policy areas - notably regional economic integration, international competitiveness and a broadening of the ownership base in the economy of the corridor.

There is great scope for the involvement of European governments and the private sector. There are currently 180 projects under consideration, in all economic sectors, with a total value of US $7 billion and a potential to create an estimated 35.000 permanent new jobs.

As we strengthen links within Africa and southern Africa, we are also seeking to redefine existing relations and establishing new ones with Europe, and to secure the more equitable integration of developing countries into the world economy.

However, even as we do so, we find that notwithstanding the very significant progress on the African continent, perceptions that have led to the marginalisation of the continent remain.

As Europe and Africa now go forward into the new millennium, we need to put behind our racist and paternalistic heritage, and move forward together on the basis of mutual respect and not dependence.

Racism not only marks the relationship between our continents, but features within our societies. By addressing racism and the negative stereotypes about Africa in your countries, you will not only assist Us in improving Africa's image but also address the cancer which can undermine your own societies. How you deal with racism in Europe, and we deal with it on our continent, including in South Africa, will be a gauge of our joint commitment and will shape our relations into the next century.

The challenge for Africa is to break out of the shackles of the past and make the next century our own. To do this we need to work with those who want to support this Vision.

Africa needs the international community's assistance through resources and expertise to help build the capacity of African countries to entrench democracy and stimulate economic growth. Of paramount importance are human resource enhancement through education and training, the beneficiation of products before they are exported, and the expansion of manufacturing.

International institutions, such as political parties, foundations, women's organisations and NGO's have made important contributions to the African Renaissance. The emphasis should be to assist Africa in order for Africa to assist itself to become self-reliant. What can contribute to a fast track approach in assisting Africa is for these institutions to join hands in a collective quest to improve the conditions for democratisation and development. Some of these well-meaning institutions, however, are out of touch with the African reality where sometimes the basic needs are not matched by what is offered. The result is ,,donor fatigue" on the one hand and frustration by the receiving parties on the other.

Multilateral institutions often lose focus in their assistance to countries and often scarce resources intended for development of communities get stalled in administrative and bureaucratic red-tape, a quagmire of conferences and repetitive research projects. Government programmes are prone to similar problems.

We have noted With approval the new guidelines issued by the European Council of Ministers to strengthen the operational co-ordination of development policies, in particular the recognition that they should be tailored to suit the specific situation in each country and each sector of development. Equally welcome is the commitment to work ,,in dose co-operation" with the recipient country, with a view to strengthening its capacity to assume responsibility for and ownership of its development strategies and programmes and reinforcing the government's lead role in general aid co-ordination.

We have also appreciated the many statements and pledges to work with African countries on the elimination of poverty. But we have been concerned by the failure to act.

Within the last two weeks developed and developing countries alike have been made aware of just how vulnerable we all are to international markets and the limits on the capacity of even the richest states to control them.

We were disappointed, but perhaps not surprised, to note how minimal was the action that the rich countries were prepared to take in relation to their own economies in contrast to prescribing solutions for others - much more could and should have been done so that we retrieve the situation and prevent an even greater decline in the standard of living of those who are already steeped in poverty. It is horrifying to hear that in lndonesia there is already evidence of a decline in the birth weights of babies, due to the mothers not having sufficient food and nutrients during pregnancies. These children and many more will be blighted for life because of a failure to act promptly and decisively.

The inter-dependence and inter-connections between national economies has implications for developed as well as developing economies, for rich and poor alike. if the gap is allowed to grow, no one will be immune from the consequences, as the Secretary of State from Austria reminded US this morning.

The small core of countries that initially signed the Treaty of Rome learnt that they could not build prosperity of security for themselves behind walls of privilege, excluding their poorer neighbours. We, in a democratic South Africa, have recognised that we cannot develop and grow our own economy in a sea of poverty in our region. So even as we transform and develop our national economy, we have to ensure that we do so in a way that creates opportunities for our neighbours to also grow and develop.

But what opportunities are left for Us by the EU?

Chairperson, 1 will not dwell on our experiences of the SA-EU trade talks or the prospected post Lome talks with the ACP countries as they will be dealt with by my colleagues in later sessions. What 1 need to say 5 that the proposals from the EU give Us cause for concern.

There 5 a noticeable reluctance on the part of the European Union to grant market access for both industrial and agricultural products, while it seeks to gain access for its products in the markets of developing countries. The levels of access on offer to South Africa have been a major disappointment, and have at times been further restricted during the negotiations rather than expanded.

South Africa is having great difficulty in gaining improved access for key agricultural products. Currently South African canned deciduous fruit is penalised by tariffs leading to the closure of a number of factories and consequent loss of jobs.

A few weeks ago we suspended talks because the EU decided not to table its final agricultural trade offer unless South Africa agreed to a linkage with an agreement on wine and spirits

The objective of a commitment to promoting both trade and development, and a partnership are not being realised in these negotiations. In our bilateral discussions with governments we are given assurances, but the negotiators claim they have a narrow mandate. Unless a new political direction is given in the form of a new mandate, negotiations will not succeed.

As Parliamentarians many of you are able to intervene with your governments and through them with the Commission. Similarly European based NGO's can also lobby governments.

An important element of future co-operation between Europe and Africa is in the area of strengthening democratic institutions and support for human rights.

The South African Parliament has negotiated a ground breaking agreement with the EU. The Parliamentary Support Programme aims to strengthen the role and support the functions of legislatures at both national and provincial levels, with six result areas set, namely:

1. to enhance the support structure and services provided by Parliament
2. to improve skills and knowledge of Parliamentarians
3. to improve the participation of women
4. to improve institutional arrangements
5. to improve the representation function of members and the responsiveness of legislatures
6. to improve communication and co-operation between legislatures.

The South African Parliament has also established a relationship with the European Parliament, with an exchange of visits on an annual basis. This provides an opportunity for discussion on a range of issues of mutual concern.

In SADC we have established a Parliamentary Forum, enabling our Parliamentarians to meet regularly and debate issues of concern. Through the Forum and in bilateral contact l have realised how great is the need to support the institution of Parliament in all SADC countries.

Our democracies are fragile, and a functioning Parliament is an important instrument for sustaining democracy. It must do more than produce legislation. It needs to maintain oversight over the executive and hold it accountable.

The established parliamentary systems of Europe can do much to assist to strengthen southern African institutions. But it is not a one way process. Newer democracies such as ours have extended the concepts of democracy - to include the continuing participation of citizens in the law making process between elections. This highlights the importance of civil society and the need for NGO's and community based organisations to engage with Parliamentarians - a subject which we will be discussing tomorrow.

Ultimately, Parliaments are both the repository of democratic values in any society, as well as the guardians. There can be no better basis for building co-operation between the EU and SADC, than that between Parliamentarians, united to preserve democracy, human rights, peace and development for all our peoples.

Vienna, 12.10.1998